Industrial Societies

Alf Hornborg , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2nd Edition), 2015

Industrialization and the Sociocultural Status of Modernity

Industrial order has from the very start implied a radical transformation of human–environmental relations. Urbanization and employment in manufacture take in various ways detached humans from the ecological systems from which they continue to derive their fundamental metabolic requirements such as food, drink, oxygen, and a comfy temperature. The modern, urban perception of 'nature' or the 'surroundings' represents a more abstract and distant view of such fabric connections than the eco-cosmologies encountered by anthropologists among nonindustrial societies intimately engaged in drawing their sustenance from their immediate surroundings. The physical alienation of humans from natural ecosystems thus generates not merely material, ecological bug anticipated in the Marxian identification of a metabolic rift between town and countryside only also a cognitive or cultural incapacity to grasp the connectedness between humans and the remainder of the biosphere. Modern people are more often than not unable to perceive or estimate the social and ecological consequences of their consumption patterns, which ways that the accomplish of their moral responsibility is much more restricted than their increasingly globalized economic and ecological accomplish. This predicament was acknowledged already in the Marxian concept of commodity fetishism, but has recently often been referred to as 'consumer incomprehension.' Such cognitive constraints, of course, beal the difficulties of identifying and addressing the mounting, global environmental issues of industrial gild. It is, for example, difficult for private consumers to sense a connection between their purchases and the abstruse threat of climate alter.

Sociological theory was built-in in the nineteenth century equally a mode of reflecting on the conspicuous transformations within European society. Large shares of the population shifted from rural customs life to a more than anonymous, urban existence in the industrial centers and submitted to a rigorous regimentation of everyday piece of work (Frykman and Löfgren, 1987). Social theorists such every bit Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, Ferdinand Tönnies, and Georg Simmel developed conceptual frameworks for grasping this shift and its many social and existential implications. Karl Marx'southward concept of alienation was also a contribution to this discourse. In the twentieth century, sociological understandings of the 'modernistic' condition became increasingly sophisticated. In contempo decades, sociologists such every bit Anthony Giddens (1990) and Zygmunt Bauman (1991) accept synthesized the most salient features of this status. Although it must exist remembered that sociological models are ideal types that practice not claim to be universally applicable, there are undoubtedly characteristic features of mod life that contrast in pregnant ways with the kind of life mostly experienced in pre- or non-modern contexts. Central aspects of the modern condition include an unprecedented individualism and reliance on abstract systems of trust such as money and expert cognition.

The social condition of modernity is generally also reflected in a pervasive worldview, including components such as mind-torso and culture-nature dualism, a submission to standardization and discipline (including clocks, work schedules, and calendars), and an orientation toward the hereafter. These cognitive orientations toward dualism, homogenization, and progress have continuously been challenged by dissidents emphasizing the contrary values of monism, diversity, and stasis. Thus, in recent decades, ecofeminists have challenged the Cartesian inclination to objectify nature; postcolonial theorists have challenged the notion that European definitions of guild can be universalized; and ecological economists have advocated steady state economics and even degrowth. Such cultural countercurrents are in a sense 'antimodern,' but tin be traced historically as pervasive subcultures of modernity from their very ancestry. A matter of contention is the extent to which the Enlightenment should really be viewed equally an historical discontinuity. The conventional view is that Enlightenment ideals of rationality and efficiency liberated the potential of modernistic economic science, technology, and politics to disengage from the cultural constraints that had fettered these domains and practices in premodern societies. Yet, as we accept seen, there is currently a good basis for arguing that modernistic conceptions and practices of economics, technology, and politics remain thoroughly embedded in civilization, even if this is not recognized in mainstream ideology.

The extent to which modernization also implies secularization is not self-evident, in part because significant proportions of the population in some modern nations adhere to a religious or at least spiritual worldview, in part because some components of the modern condition (e.1000., consumption, or religion in economical and technological progress) arguably have ritual or even religious aspects. This suggests that the so-called Enlightenment did not represent a decisive historical discontinuity in the sense we are accustomed to believing. Beginning with concepts such equally 'money fetishism' and 'commodity fetishism' introduced past Karl Marx in the mid-nineteenth century, several critiques of industrial civilization imply that modernistic phenomena such as economy and technology incorporate elements that accept affinities with the 'magic' that is commonly dismissed as premodern (Taussig, 1980; Graeber, 2011). Equally Marx realized, the specific cultural idiosyncrasies of industrial capitalism are near clearly revealed through comparison with contrasting cultural conceptions and practices, a method referred to every bit 'defamiliarization past cantankerous-cultural juxtaposition' (Marcus and Fischer, 1986).

The centrally mod phenomenon of consumption, for instance, can only be understood through cultural analysis (Sahlins, 1976). Jean Baudrillard (1972) and Pierre Bourdieu (1984) have shown that specific patterns of consumption serve to communicate messages most a person'south identity. The telescopic for consumption, viewed equally a singled-out social activity, has widened with increasing commercialization and affluence, while likewise serving as a modern source of meanings compensating for a general loss of community, tradition, and existential coherence. In this sense, the driving forces of consumption, and thus too of economical growth, appear to be connected to the existential predicament of individualism and alienation. In preindustrial societies, conspicuous patterns of consumption signaled elite condition, whereas in industrial societies the advice of social identity through consumption has been generalized to all classes. Item types or brands of commodities can thus be broadly associated with particular identities or fifty-fifty occupations. Still, the communicative and semiotic dimensions of consumption nowadays a shifting field of meanings, where different social groups continuously effort to emulate or distinguish themselves from each other. Such cultural processes have been of central significance for patterns of world trade, production, and environmental impacts throughout history, but the abundance and mass consumerism of modern industrial societies have intensified their economic and ecological repercussions ( Mintz, 1985).

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Human Affect on Biodiversity, Overview

Leslie Eastward. Sponsel , in Encyclopedia of Biodiversity (2nd Edition), 2013

Oil

Industrial order, whose lifeblood is oil and other fossil fuels that are really the remains of ancient biodiversity, has produced unprecedented types and levels of chemical pollution that undoubtedly endanger and erode living biodiversity. To illustrate, in recent decades many remaining frontier zones like the Amazon of Republic of ecuador and Peru have been one target for increasing oil exploration and extraction. Because of the isolation of these frontiers, the usual environmental safeguards and measures for clean-up are ignored.

During the exploration phase, hundreds of miles of roads and large grids of extensive trails for seismic testing are cut into the forest. The seismic explosions not just scatter wild fauna, but also the resulting shock waves can kill hundreds of fish in rivers, lakes, and wetlands. During the production phase, a unmarried oil well platform consumes about six acres of forest and nigh 2000 trees. (In the rain forest a single giant tree may be inhabited by thousands of insect and other species, virtually unknown to science.) Side by side production wastes and treatment chemicals corporeality to millions of gallons every day for decades. At well sites at that place is no proper disposal of toxic waste material, only open-air pits that eventually overflow into the soils, ground waters, and surface waters, thereby contaminating and killing fish and other wild fauna. I gallon of oil can kill the fish living in a meg gallons of h2o and adversely touch aquatic life at concentrations as depression as one part per hundred billion (Kimerling, 1991).

Over decades, many hundreds of oil wells and extensive pipelines allow for numerous leaks and spills of black crude when breaks occur through metal aging or earthquakes. The magnitude of pollution that has been occurring in frontiers like the Amazon makes the oil spills associated with the Exxon Valdez, Gulf War, and Deepwater Horizon look similar small-scale irritants in comparison! The costs to biodiversity are incalculable. Furthermore, across the corporate irresponsibility and massive environmental destruction, in the Amazon, oil is even being pursued in wildlife reserves and other areas supposedly set bated for conservation by national governments.

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Trunk Image and Social Course

I. Bojorquez , C. Unikel , in Encyclopedia of Body Image and Human Appearance, 2012

Upward Mobility

In industrial societies, slimness is a marking of social distinction, meaning that being thin increases the likelihood of beingness accepted past individuals with a higher SES, investing in the body becomes a profitable projection. In today's world, there is a distinct stratification regarding women's body size, with a greater prevalence of obesity in women belonging to less privileged groups. This link is less clear in men.

Upward mobility is linked to a lower likelihood of being obese in comparison with those that remain at the same level. Women with a lower SES tend to put on weight more quickly in adulthood. Every bit Bourdieu notes, investment in advent or in the pick of food is qualified over time past individual social circumstances linked to the caste of wealth. Changes in social circumstances or intergenerational class movements therefore cause a transition in terms of priorities regarding body weight and appearance. Women with higher educational attainment feel less satisfied with their torso weight because they evaluate themselves more negatively, since their beauty standards favor a thinner figure. Educational attainment appears to be the variable that makes the greatest contribution to dissatisfaction with one's figure since more educated women accept more than contact with images in the media or are more familiarized with health messages. It may also mean that these women accept greater expectations of success, which includes their physical advent.

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Sexual Behavior and Civilisation

Lise D. Martel , ... Elaine Hatfield , in Encyclopedia of Practical Psychology, 2004

3.2 Industrial Societies

In most industrial societies, where childhood is usually spent in school, children represent an economic price rather than an asset. Pregnancy is often planned and heavily controlled by the private through the employ of contraceptives. In some countries, such as Mainland china, pregnancy is also restricted by the state in an effort to manage overpopulation.

In the Us, at the time of this writing, the current political administration promotes abstinence as the but adequate alternative to foreclose pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases amidst teenagers. Withal many organizations take successfully promoted the use of diverse modern forms of contraception to forbid pregnancy in teenagers and adults alike. Recent trends testify a refuse in unwanted pregnancies among U.S. adolescents. Still, the United states of america maintains a disproportionate number of abortions in comparing with other Western industrial countries. In countries such as Kingdom of the netherlands, Sweden, France, and Great britain, it is believed that the general endorsement past individuals, society, regime officials, and the media of the message that protected sex (rather than abstinence) is expected from teenagers has facilitated the decline in abortions and the delay in the onset of sexual activity.

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Religious Organizations

J.A. Beckford , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

four.4 Recruitment and Training

In advanced industrial societies the attractions of work in positions of religious leadership are weakening, and the charge per unit of applications for grooming as religious professionals has been declining since the centre of the twentieth century. At the aforementioned time, the characteristics of recruits to religious leadership in Christian churches accept also changed. They now include a much greater proportion of women, of people over the historic period of 30, of people retiring early on from other occupations, and of people from a wider range of indigenous and social class backgrounds. The 'feminization' of religious leadership is occurring in many churches in so far as the proportion of women inbound theological training and Christian ministry has been rising steadily since the 1960s (Wallace 1992). Yet the upper echelons of most churches are still controlled past men, and in that location is evidence that various mechanisms however prevent women from enjoying genuinely equal opportunities for professional advancement. Women are fifty-fifty more than strongly excluded from leadership roles in the other earth religions, although they have been admitted to the rabbinate in some traditions of Judaism.

It is only in developing countries that in that location is nevertheless a relatively strong supply of immature men and women for theological preparation and preparation for the ministry or monastic vows. The disproportionately big numbers of trainee priests and ministers originating in developing countries may mean that the organizational 'center of gravity' of some large Christian organizations is in process of shifting away from Europe and North America. In effect, the new international division of labor is affecting religious organizations also as transnational businesses.

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Work, Sociology of

F.C. Gamst , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

8 The New Nature of Work

In late industrial societies, the hereafter of work could include not enough of it for permitting the earning of middle-class compensation. Competition in the global marketplace engenders a massive de-industrialization with the loss of adequate jobs for those with high-school levels of teaching or less.

American production workers must compete with Chinese prison house and South Asian child labor. In today's job market, employee loyalty has become a i-mode street. Overnight, jobs can exist eliminated in the thousands by a single firm. Some terminations are psychologically vicious.

The era of lifetime jobs gradually erodes, replaced by insecure contingent piece of work, including function-time, contract and temporary persons—all workers who are not full-time with full benefits. Conditions of employment not obtained by contingent workers include task training and career advancement with a firm. Such workers get employed just with an immediate demand for them. Of course, some persons want contingent work. Automation and reorganization of work created a controversy about the being of deskilling, under capitalism, a continuous lowering of levels of skill throughout a national economy, leading to an unskilled proletariat.

De-skilling in neo-Marxist theory is a class of social control of workers through a minute sectionalization of labor, with organizing work into simple, repetitive tasks involving few mental reflections. Although a good number of crafts and some professions were deskilled during the twentieth century, no deskilling throughout an overall industrial economic system exists.

Trade unions contest management for social control in some workplaces. In America, for unionized employees in private industry, the overall pay is ane-tertiary higher and for blue-neckband workers about seventy percent more than in nonunion companies. Unionization provides a wage advantage to workers.

The future of the labor movement, however, is clouded. In the USA and Canada, trade unions have macerated in union density, organizing success, level of labor actions, and political influence. Reasons given for this decline include: matrimony sloth; the law equally enacted and then interpreted by the courts; globalized competition; 'cooperative' programs; and a neo-liberal philosophy embraced by the large political parties. For union success, new forms and policies in the labor movement must exist created including, multi-employer bargaining, removal of legal impediments to organizing, and coordination with community, advocacy, religious, and ethnic organizations to further mutual goals (Clawson and Clawson 1999).

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The Story of Service Science

Yvonne de Grandbois , in Service Science and the Information Professional, 2016

The Economic Importance of Services

Every bit early as the 1970s the emerging patterns of the service economy were being studied in terms of their economic importance and touch on on employment. Service activities were springing upward within and outside of industries. By the end of the 1970s the service economic system was beingness understood every bit a fait accompli, and the dichotomy betwixt manufacture and services was being replaced by an integration—that services are the key to better industry and product.

The 1973 economic crisis was particular in that wealth production had changed, and services became the major histrion. Economical theories that had been applied to industrial manufacturing were woefully inadequate in explaining the new reality. At the same time, services were given an official condition at the international negotiations level of the Uruguay Round of talks. An economic theory of services was being called for as the industrial economy began shifting to a service economic system.

Previously in the industrial society services were not every bit of import and had a secondary office. Yet, it was becoming clear that for each production, complex service and delivery work had to take place. The service economy was not necessarily replacing the industrial one, it was only the result of forward motility, supplemented by technology and a change in the value system. Services represented the side by side stage of the development of economic history, and dovetailed with manufacturing in the same way that industry had dovetailed with the agricultural economy in earlier times.

Through industrialization, directly or indirectly, agriculture has become more efficient. And now both agriculture and manufacturing industry accept more and more to rely on the evolution of services in order to amend their economical operation in production and distribution.

FEMDI (1991)

There are several functions in which services are key in the production of wealth. Research and evolution services occur long earlier production takes place, as do market enquiry studies, and service functions such as planning, maintenance, storage, and quality control. Distribution is a service, and is key for both products and services. Teaching people how to use products is another service. Industrial product creates waste and pollution, and services are the means to deal with this.

Critics of the service economy say that products are still the major role player in the economy, and that without products, there would be no services. Two hundred years agone, the critics of the industrial revolution said the same thing in terms of industry being impossible without agricultural products, with industrialization being secondary.

It is obvious that agriculture and manufacturing manufacture are essential, and that one cannot simply forget them: but today it is also true that any sort of production which does not rely on the functioning of services is simply not in a status to be used or fifty-fifty produced. Products of whatsoever sort can only exist economically through the service system.

FEMDI (1991)

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Political Elites: Recruitment and Careers

S. Rothman , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

5 Issues for the Present and the Future

Political elites in advanced industrial societies do do more than power in the sense of producing desired outcomes than exercise those in less developed countries. Elites in the poorer countries of Latin America, Africa, and parts of Asia frequently deport as if they are creating new public policies and yet nothing changes. This occurs considering the organizational capacity of the social club is express and thus there is simply not sufficient ability to carry through new initiatives. Promising beginnings frequently finish in failure, also often frustrating, and somewhen corrupting, those elites who begin equally sincere reformers. Individuals or political groups may dominate the political orders of poorer societies simply ofttimes they can change very piffling considering the population lacks the chapters to respond effectively to new initiatives. Similarly efforts past richer more than powerful nations to help in or compel change are usually unsuccessful.

In general the role of women in public affairs has been very limited. In western Europe and the United States increasing numbers of women are condign part of the political elite, though their role remains relatively minor except in the Scandinavian countries. In most of the residue of the world their role is withal smaller. Indeed the representation of women in official governmental organs dropped when the regimes in Communist states were overthrown. However, the offices they had held in various ineffective legislative bodies did non entail real authority so that the loss is more symbolic than existent.

The distribution of ability among racial and ethnic groups in increasingly multiethnic societies is very likely to exist a major source of conflict in the xx-first century. How such conflicts are to be handled is an result which, except in a few cases, has not been dealt with effectively.

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Metabolic Disorders

DONALD J. ORTNER , in Identification of Pathological Conditions in Homo Skeletal Remains (Second Edition), 2003

Paleopathology

Given the association betwixt industrial society and the high prevalence of rickets and osteomalacia, information technology is not surprising that show of rickets and osteomalacia is uncommon in archeological human remains. Wells (1964a:116–117) expressed the opinion that the "perpetual twilight of dark tenements" in the city slums, which were a prominent feature of cities during the Industrial Revolution, was the major gene in the marked increase of rickets associated with this phase of human history.

Hrdlička (1907:540) stated that in Due north America rickets did non occur in prehistoric indigenous groups. Snow (1948:508) described a possible case of rickets in an eight-month-old baby (burying 633, Indian Knoll site, Kentucky). Withal, the description of features that led to this determination is not convincing. Snow reported no evidence of deformity in the long basic. He based his conclusion on the presence of "bloated spongy extremities" in the smaller long bones and abnormal sternal ends of ribs. Considering these are areas of active growth and consequent remodeling, they would unremarkably appear somewhat spongy. In view of the lack of bear witness of rickets in other N American skeletal series, this case should be reevaluated.

In the Old World, Wood-Jones (1910b:263) found no show of rickets in aboriginal Egyptian skeletal textile. Virchow (cited in Pales 1930:forty) thought that the distinctive features of European Neanderthal skulls were due to rickets. This possibility has not, however, received serious consideration by subsequent scholars who accept studied the Neanderthal skeletons.

A medieval skeletal sample from the Wharram Percy site in Yorkshire, England, contains eight cases of rickets in babe and early babyhood remains (Ortner and Mays 1998). The skeletal manifestations include flared and abnormally porous costochondral ends of the ribs (Figure 15-25), plain-featured long bones (Figure 15-26a), and a porous and irregular subchondral surface of the growing ends of the long basic (Figure xv-26b). Porous woven bone deposits occur on some of the skull bones. The condyle of the mandible of one babe (burial no. NA194) was deformed, deviating both medially and posteriorly. These cases of rickets are interesting in function because this disease is and then uncommon in medieval English language human remains. Ortner and Mays suggest that the cases of rickets from Wharram Percy were ill from other causes and for that reason were kept indoors and isolated from the sunlight that would have prevented rickets from occurring.

Effigy 15-25. Archeological evidence of rickets in an infant from the medieval site of Wharram Percy, Yorkshire, England. The top 3 ribs show pathological porosity that extends laterally from the constochondral joint. The bottom rib is from another infant from the same site that shows no bear witness of rickets.

 (Infant; EH NA 108.)

FIGURE 15-26. Infant basic that showroom deformity and abnormal porosity of the metaphyseal areas. (a) Right and left radius and ulna. (b) Distal growth plate of the femur with an abnormally porous surface.

 (Infant; EH NA 191.)

In the Winchester Saxon collection of paleopathological specimens there is a case of medieval healed rickets in a child almost 6 years of age (BMNH CG 1966, no number). The specimen consists of the right femur, tibia, and fibula. Anterior bowing is most pronounced on the femur and tibia. Some other example of healed rickets is from the Royal College of Surgeons of England pathology drove at the Natural History Museum, London. This example is from the Lundgate Colina site in England (no. 1961, 5, 12, 5). The specimen is a right femur from an adult. There is marked anterolateral bowing with anteroposterior flattening and a buildup of bone along the linea aspera (Figure 15-27).

Effigy 15-27. Healed rickets in an adult femur.

 (BMNH, Ludgate Colina, no. 1961, five, 12, 5.)

An example of rickets is found in the skeletal collections of the Historical Museum in Chur, Switzerland. The specimen is from the medieval archeological site of Bonaduz in canton Grissons, Switzerland. The skeleton in question is a male, probably over fifty years of age. The simply evidence of deformity is seen in the tibiae. Both the right and left tibiae testify bowing with an increased anteroposterior bore of the midshaft and a very prominent inductive border (Effigy 15-28).

FIGURE xv-28. Healed rickets in adult male tibiae.

 (HMCS GR 1352; no information.)

Osteomalacia must certainly have occurred in ancient times although the evidence for it is scarce. A probable example of osteomalacia is seen in an isolated sacrum from the twelfth Dynasty stone tombs at Lisht, Upper Arab republic of egypt (NMNH 256470 PI). The sacrum is small-scale in size and unusually light in weight. Information technology appears to exist from an adult female skeleton. There is a ninety° bending between the lower and upper portion of the sacrum (Figure xv-29); the angulation is primarily at the third sacral segment (compare Figure xv-24).

FIGURE xv-29. Abnormally angulated sacrum, probably due to osteomalacia. Isolated specimen from the 12th Dynasty rock tombs in Lisht, Upper Egypt.

 (NMNH 256470 PI.)

Rowling (1967:275–278) described a remarkable specimen from the Royal College of Surgeons of England pathology drove, which is stored at the Natural History Museum, London (BMNH 178A). The specimen is from a predynastic Nubian and consists of the major bones of the arms and legs, the pelvis, and three lower lumbar vertebrae. The most hitting feature of the case is the very all-encompassing hypertrophic bone development on the femora. Rowling attributed this development to paraplegia with possible complications of rickets. In improver to the all-encompassing hypertrophic bone associated with the femora, these bones evidence anterolateral bowing (Figure 15-30a and b). On the right femur, bowing is complicated by a fracture with displacement and overlap of the broken ends. Both tibiae and fibulae show anterolateral bowing of a severe caste and extreme flattening, particularly of the fibulae and fractional synostosis between the fibula and tibia in the distal portion of the right side.

Effigy xv-30. Deformed long bones and pelvis from osteomalacia accompanied past hypertrophic os development of long basic, which perhaps developed every bit a complication of paralysis. (a) Deformity of femora, tibiae, and fibulae. (b) Posterior view of the femora. (c) Superior view of the pelvis. Annotation the deformity of the iliac bones and the greatly reduced subpubic angle.

 (Nubian Pathology Collection, BMNH 178A; scales in centimeters.)

The humeri are straight but show a pronounced buildup of the deltoid insertion. Both radii and ulnae prove severe lateral and anterior bowing, and marked flattening and fractional ossification of the interosseous membrane. Articular surfaces of all the long basic are normal. The pelvis is that of an adult male person with a moderate deformity of the pelvic entrance, marked superior jutting of the acetabula, and greatly reduced subpubic angle (Figure fifteen-30c). At that place is meaning, periosteal, bony buildup, particularly on the lateral aspects of both iliac bones. The sacrum is angulated in its mid-portion anteriorly and there is a pronounced, smooth, bony ridge below the 2d intrasacral foramina.

The deformity of the long bones and pelvis illustrate typical changes in osteomalacia. The relationship of this illness with the exuberant development of bone, particularly on the femora, is not clear, only is certainly not typical of osteomalacia. Yet, if Rowling's (1967:277) determination that the added bone is a result of paraplegia, osteomalacia could easily exist a secondary result of restricted outdoor activity due to paralysis. The unresolved problem with this hypothesis is that the bones of the leg prove deformity that indicates weight-begetting, which implies at least some airing involving the legs. Although the sequence of events leading to this skeletal manifestation of disease may not be resolved, it is clear that osteomalacia did occur in geographical areas where it was theoretically unexpected.

A probable example of healed rickets is seen an adult skeleton from an archeological site almost Mt. Cook in Australia. The major long basic of the lower extremity all show aberrant bowing indicative of plastic deformity probably in childhood or early adolescence (Figure 15-31).

FIGURE 15-31. Aberrant bowing of the lower extremity probably due to rickets in a burying from an archeological site almost Mt. Cook, Australia.

 (Developed; AM Due east 15264.)

Evidence of rickets and osteomalacia in New World archeological human being remains is besides very uncommon. A possible case of vitamin D deficiency was reported in a Middle Woodland site in Wisconsin dated to about advertising 100 (Neiburger 1989). The skeleton was of an adult male person Native American, but information technology seems probable that the deformity occurred in childhood.

Excavations of the cemetery of the First African Baptist Church building in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, provide an first-class example of the deformity of the lower extremity due to rickets (Figure xv-32). The skeleton is from an African-American child about 7 years of age at the time of death.

Figure 15-32. Major long bones of the lower extremity with evidence of rickets in a child from an early 19th century African–American site in Philadelphia, PA.

 (Child; First African Baptist Cemetery burial 37.)

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White-Neckband Workers, History of

M. Prinz , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Preliminary Remarks

Although now in many adult industrial societies white-neckband workers stand for, at to the lowest degree in numerical terms, the unmarried most of import group within the general workforce, their delimitation and their specific social profile in relation to blue-collar workers and public servants remain ambiguous and controversial ( Kocka, 1980, 1981; Lockwood, 1989). With hardly any other social stratum was and is the circuitous interrelation between the actual advent of a group, its self-definition and its treatment every bit an object of investigation and so articulate as with the white-collar employees.

The sociological involvement in these groups has a long tradition, which dates back into the late nineteenth century. It arose mainly for ii reasons: (1) the exceptional rapid growth of the various groups, labeled equally 'white-neckband workers,' Angestellte, employŭs, impiegati, empregados, etc., and (2) the fact that these groups, with regard to some objective features of their working conditions, aspects of their legal status, likewise as their consciousness and their beliefs, differed markedly from other social groups already established. Interest was nowhere so stiff every bit in the German-speaking countries, where, as a field of the emerging social sciences, a special Angestelltensoziologie adult. This peculiarity was mainly due to the existence of a radical labor move and of a strong bureaucratic tradition. The institution of the privileged 'civil retainer' served equally a role model for many white-neckband workers and attributed much to the relative depth of the distinction in relation to the blue-collar workers in the corresponding countries. Notwithstanding, comparative historical research shows that the terms 'white-collar workers,' Angestellte, employŭs, impiegati, and empregados are in no manner interchangeable. The delimitation and, especially, its social 'meaning' vary strongly historically and from land to country. Though much of the special social profile of the diverse groups labeled as 'white-collar' has faded away, there still remain some important differences, specially in relation to blue-neckband workers.

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